Sunday 22 September 2013

The NMP - 33 and still Keeping the Fight Alive

My return to the blogsphere this week, coincided with the 33 anniversary of arguably the most successful community organisations in recent memory. On Friday, I was honoured to have been invited to D'GAF in Stratford, to mark an occasion that drew together founders Gulshun Rehman, Ilona Aronovsky and Herby Boudier, current staff and new volunteers like myself for the premier of "Keeping the Fight Alive" - an independent short film by Rayna Nadeem charting NMP's more than 3 decades on the frontline against racism and inequality, for social justice and accountability of the state.

33 probably seems like an odd year for which to commission a film but, as vetran campaigner Cilius Victor observed, for an organisation that has set itself against the complacency of the status quo, it was perfectly fitting. Indeed, as Nadeem said, when she embarked on her latest project, it was conceived as a 5-minute promotional film that grew into something four times as long. The NMP grew out of the racist murder of Akhtar Ali Baig. Stabbed in the heart in broad daylight, outside East Ham station, Baig's murder became the rallying call for a community led push-back against racial violence and the complicity of the police and politicians in it; whether through indifference or active participation.

The result of that indifference was their abandonment of vulnerable communities who were forced to fend and defend themselves and yet when they did so, they found themselves in the dock. After the police did nothing to stop the harassment and violence against pupils going to and from school by National Front thugs, the community organised chaperones. One day, they arrived at the school to find a car of what turned out to be plain-clothed police officers. National Front members were not far behind a fight broke out and whilst the fascists were let go, the men who had been defending local children were arrested. The Newham 7 was born. Their acquittal at the Old Bailey, met by hundreds who had come from across the country under the NMP banner to lend their support was a seminal moment in British history. For the first time the law recognised that when a community is abandoned by those charged with their care and protection, self-defence is no offence. Nevertheless, the Newham 8 came shortly afterwards, in very similar circumstances, charged with rioting. The NMP again swung into action and again, the result was the same: no guilty on all charges.  

Come the 90s and the NMP was continuing to expand rapidly. Its ambitions were undiminished and it began to tackle the difficult issue of deaths in police custody. The Project rallied behind the families, first, of Shiji Lapite and then Ibrahima Sey both two of the first victims of positional asphixia, being suffocated by being restrained in a prone position in which they could not breath properly. This was the last violent act of police brutality. Lapite had been dragged to the ground in a neck hold and kicked in the head after police claimed he had been "acting suspiciously". Sey had been arrested after a domestic dispute. He complied fully with the police to the extent that he was not even handcuffed until he arrived in the custody suite of Illford Police Station. Sey had acute mental health needs and so, until then, he had been accompanied by a friend. Once in custody he was told that his friend had to leave. This made him anxious. His agitated state prompted officers to handcuff him with his hands behind his back before being sprayed in the face with pepper spray and held face down for 15 mins. By that time he had fallen silent and limp. Help was called but it was too late, Sey was the first person to die in custody having been sprayed with CS gas. In what would become an all too familiar story, both the Police Complaints Authority (now the IPCC) and the Crown Prosecution Service refused to take any further action. It was left to the coroner's court to deliver any semblance of the justice that the campaign which had followed his death demanded. His verdict: unlawful killing.

The defining case of that decade was, of course, the murder of Stephen Lawrence and its exposure of institutional racism an outcome that validated the experience of BME communities from Newham to Newcastle. The NMP's support of the Lawrence family was led by Gilly Singh Mundy, who died unexpectedly in 2007. His absence was remarked upon several times on Friday evening and even to a new volunteer, it was clear that the power of his presence still resonates strongly in the Project's work. 

As well as defending the rights of others the NMP have had to negotiate their own challenges. A fire destroyed their original offices, necessitating their move to Stratford, albeit via make shift offices in the home of another veteran campaigner, Kevin Blowe. When they dared to say that the police had killed Ibrahima Sey, Newham Council, who had funded them up to that point, withdrew that money. Current director, Estelle Du Boulay openly acknowledged that, for a short time at least, the future of the NMP was in doubt. It was down to just one full-time staff member. How could it possibly survive? Securing funding from the National Lottery was necessary by holding on it grass-roots up rather than top-down ethos it did not matter how bad things got because, as Asad Rehman, current chair of the NMP explained, “The NMP is and always will be about people”. With only a handful of permanent staff members it depends on volunteers to manage its workload but it can rely on that support because, unlike other campaign initiatives, it does not just raise an issue and then leave the community to deal with the backlash, it is there throughout. It is the product of the community that it serves.

Importantly though, its work transcends both racial and geographical boundaries.* Back in the late 80s, Lee Dray, a 17 year old white boy who had been harassed by police in Canning Town for several months until, one day, he was viciously assaulted by a police officer. The NMP successfully co-ordinated a campaign that resulted in a successful action against the office responsible. However, not without Dray being charged later with assault and disturbing the peace. This was highlighted as an example of what Boudier described as the quiet criminalisation of young people identified as social undesirables, whether they were young Black youths or the poor white working-class. And this was the key point, Black or White, there was a commonality of experience that was bigger than any racial differences, the maintenance of which only served to benefit the divisive politics of the Right.   

More recently, there have been the campaigns for justice for the families of Jean Charles De Menezes and Ian Tomlinson. To that you can add Mohammed Abdulkahar, and his brother Abul Koyair, the first of whom was shot before they were both arrested in a shambolic terror raid in Forest Gate in 2006, for which there was no evidence to bear out the purported “specific intelligence”  on which the police were acting against two innocent men. “Back in the day, the thugs were out on the streets, it was easy to spot a skinhead”.” “Now, we’re fighting something you can’t always see.” This was a reference to the “War on Terror”. That fear and paranoia that is exploited to justify an increasingly draconian approach to policing and public order, of which the mass surveillance of the sort that saw the Met Police attempt to “infiltrate” the NMP or the mass arrest of anti-fascist activists resisting the continuing threat of the National Front’s progeny, the EDL, provides just two recent examples.

To this, add the impact of the first round of legal aid cuts in the Legal Aid and Sentencing Act 2012, the further isolation of vulnerable communities as designed in the latest legal aid proposals and the desolation that will result from the government’s austerity programme. The demands on its services will be all the greater as these policies start to bite. I don’t know how exactly the NMP will navigate these challenges but, one way or another they will, of that I am sure. If the utopia of post-racialism continues to allude us then let’s hope for 33 more years of this inspirational community project. Here's to keeping the fight alive.

Nadeem’s film will be available online via the NMP website within the next few weeks. I will add a link as soon as I can. In the meantime, there will be local showings to mark Black History month.


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